Kurds signal the end of their rebellion in Syria

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In one of the most significant developments since he came to power on Dec. 8, Syrian Arab Republic President Ahmad Al-Sharaa on Monday signed an agreement with Mazloum Abdi, head of the Syrian Democratic Forces, under which the group accepted Damascus’ authority and agreed to be integrated into the Syrian government’s security and administrative institutions. The agreement officially ended a 28-year armed conflict in northeast Syria, calling for a ceasefire in “all parts of Syrian territory,” which includes the areas under SDF control.

This historic agreement, which came after weeks of meetings between the two sides, within the SDF and with its allies, is an important milestone in the new Syrian government’s efforts to extend its authority over the entire country. It was especially significant as it was signed as Damascus was still dealing with unrest on the west coast. Referring to that attempted rebellion, the agreement included the SDF’s commitment to “support the government of Syria in combating remnants of the Assad regime and all other sources of threat to Syria’s security and unity.”

The SDF is a predominantly Kurdish coalition of armed groups that was founded in 2015, with US support, and serves as the military wing of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (unofficially known as Rojava). It is strongly opposed by Turkiye, which views it as an extension of the PKK, a group designated as terrorist by Ankara, the EU, the US and other countries.

Although the SDF’s exact organic relationship with the PKK is not clear, the group does not hide its sympathy to the PKK, whose leader Abdullah Ocalan’s pictures are displayed proudly in areas under SDF control. Turkiye accuses it of harboring wanted PKK fighters and has engaged in several battles with it for that reason.

The timing of the agreement could not be more opportune. The image of the new government in Damascus was damaged by the unchecked violence days earlier in the predominantly Alawite regions of Latakia province. The agreement with the Kurds bolsters the new government’s credentials regarding its treatment of minorities and ends unfounded speculation that the SDF was somehow complicit in that unrest, even though Bashar Assad was its sworn enemy and it did not hide its relief that he was gone.

It helped that the PKK’s imprisoned head Ocalan had last month called on his movement to lay down its arms and dissolve itself. Ocalan added: “There is no alternative to democracy in the pursuit and realization of a political system.” If his group were to heed his call, it would end 45 years of civil war in Turkiye, which has claimed the lives of an estimated 40,000.

Monday’s agreement was greeted with cheers by local Kurds and by Kurdish leaders in neighboring Iraq

Abdel Aziz Aluwaisheg

Although the SDF initially said that Ocalan’s call did not concern it, his move has created momentum that was difficult to ignore. If the PKK were to disband, it would also deprive the SDF of a model and source of support.

Thus, Monday’s agreement was greeted with cheers by local Kurds and by Kurdish leaders in neighboring Iraq. Regional governments and the EU welcomed it as well. The US, the SDF’s main backer, also supported it. On Tuesday, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said in a press statement that Washington “welcomes the recently announced agreement between the Syrian interim authorities and the Syrian Democratic Forces to integrate the northeast into a unified Syria.” He added that the US “reaffirms its support for a political transition that demonstrates credible, nonsectarian governance as the best path to avoid further conflict.”

Looking deeper into the agreement with the SDF, it is clear the group has reached a fundamental turning point. Instead of carving out a special status for Kurds, it agreed that the “Kurdish community is an organic constituent within the Syrian state, whereby the state guarantees its right to citizenship and all other constitutional rights.” In another part of the statement, the state guarantees the rights of “representation and participation in the political process and all government agencies” of “all Syrians, irrespective of their religious or ethnic backgrounds.”

Significantly, in an apparent reference to Rojava, the agreement calls for “consolidating all civilian and military institutions in northeastern Syria into Syrian state institutions, including border crossings, the airport and oil and gas fields.” It rejected “calls for partition, hate speech and attempts to stir conflict between the constituents of Syrian society.”

Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, Jordan and the Gulf Cooperation Council were among the first to welcome the agreement and praise the government’s efforts to reunify Syria.

Despite this universal support for the agreement, discussions over the details may delay its full implementation

Abdel Aziz Aluwaisheg

The UN, the UK and Germany were also early supporters. The EU welcomed the agreement, describing it as paving the way for increased stability and a better future for Syrians. In a statement on its website, the bloc affirmed its readiness to provide Syria with the necessary support to implement the agreement’s provisions, noting that the national dialogue, which began at the end of February, must lead to the fulfillment of the aspirations of all components of Syrian society.

Despite this universal support for the agreement, discussions over the details may delay its full implementation. The last paragraph of the agreement instructed “the executive committees” to implement it before the end of 2025, indicating additional steps to be taken to put it fully into effect.

It is no secret that hard-liners in Iran, after their defeat in Syria, have tried to join hands with the SDF against the new government, a move the latter has said it rejected. Remnants of the old regime have also tried but clearly failed, as the agreement explicitly denounces them.

Within the SDF and its affiliated institutions, some have taken to social media to minimize the importance of the agreement. An anonymous source was quoted on X by the Rojava Information Center as saying: “It is just a memorandum of understanding. It will not translate to any real change on the ground unless the joint committees agree on everything.” The agreement means, according to this source, that “now at least there are two sides agreeing on taking time to discuss everything in detail before rushing to implement any change.”

More significantly, an SDF spokesman was quoted as saying that government forces “will not enter the (northeastern Syria) region aside from potentially at border gates.” He added that there was no change in the situation regarding the Daesh prisons or the fight against Daesh in the region. The spokesman described the deal as “preliminary agreements” that will be worked on by committees.

If these statements are accurately reported, they indicate hesitation on the part of some in the SDF or its affiliated civilian bodies. This calls for speedily empaneling the executive committees stipulated in the agreement, but also a fuller engagement with the US on the status of its forces in the SDF-controlled region, as well as the fate of the Daesh prisons and refugee camps.

  • Dr. Abdel Aziz Aluwaisheg is the GCC assistant secretary-general for political affairs and negotiation. The views expressed here are personal and do not necessarily represent those of the GCC. X: @abuhamad1